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The GCC and the Global South: Voices in an age of civilisational crisis

We are not living in a moment of crisis — we are living through a clash of civilisations. But this clash is not merely geopolitical; it is deeply existential. At its core, humanity is grappling with an identity crisis, a crisis of meaning, which then spills over into politics, international relations, and institutions. The Indo-Mediterranean region — stretching from the Middle East through the Indian subcontinent — remains the cradle of this ongoing civilisational struggle.

This region is home to the roots of most major world religions. Christianity was born in what we now call Israel and Palestine. Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism also emerged from this geographic corridor. Even Zoroastrianism, which once thrived in Iran, was gradually replaced by Shia traditions. These religious and spiritual legacies continue to define the cultural, philosophical and political foundations of our global society.

However, we are now witnessing a fragmentation of these traditions. Islam, though born in Saudi Arabia, now has its largest populations in the Indian subcontinent — Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh — and in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, far removed from the Middle East. Islam itself faces a deep institutional crisis, particularly within its Sunni tradition. A century after the abolition of the caliphate, the Muslim world is struggling to define itself internally — between the moderate majority and the radical minority that, as is often the case, shouts louder, acts more violently, and dominates the global narrative.

Amidst this spiritual and institutional confusion stands the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) — a coalition of Arab states that, in many ways, serves as both the protector and reformer of the Islamic world. The GCC countries, especially the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, have increasingly positioned themselves as stabilisers not just within their region, but also across the broader Indo-Mediterranean and African spheres. Their growing influence in African states like Sudan and Somalia underscores their evolving role as both geopolitical actors and cultural intermediaries.

US President Donald Trump seemed to intuitively grasp this reality. His first overseas visit as president in his second term was to the Gulf states, reflecting a recognition — whether strategic or symbolic — that the future of Islam and, by extension, global stability, will in part be shaped by what happens in the GCC and West Asia. Trump’s controversial yet telling diplomacy is less an aberration and more a reflection of our collective identity crisis in the democratic world. In democracies, after all, leaders are often mirrors of the political consciousness — or the lack of it — of the societies that elect them.

While attention continues to focus on the Israel-Palestine conflict, the broader transformation happening in the Gulf—and its impact on the Global South — deserves equal scrutiny. The demographic center of the world has shifted. It no longer lies in the United States or Europe. It lies between Africa and Asia, among the younger, more populous, and often voiceless societies that constitute the Global South.

In this context, the emergence and evolution of BRICS — a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — becomes relevant. Though the grouping may appear contradictory, given the vast differences in political systems, ideologies, and economic structures, it has endured and expanded. Countries like the UAE have joined, and Saudi Arabia has been invited. BRICS may not be an ideal or coherent bloc, but it is becoming a platform where the Global South seeks visibility and voice.

India’s participation in BRICS reflects its pursuit of “strategic autonomy.” It tries to walk a tightrope: engaging with powers that are at times ideologically opposed or even hostile, while maintaining its democratic values and domestic coherence. India’s experience in multilateral forums — like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, where it recently faced silence over a terrorist attack it endured — highlights the limits of these alliances. Yet India persists, not as a hegemon, but as a voice of the Global South.

This is what distinguishes India from China in the BRICS configuration. While China seeks to lead, India seeks to represent. And in this effort, the civilisational ties between India and the GCC become critical. With over 250 million Muslims, India maintains deep, enduring and largely peaceful relationships with Gulf countries. These are bonds not just of labour and trade, but of shared history, migration and cultural affinity. It is a relationship unlikely to fracture.

As BRICS contemplates alternative financial systems, such as moving away from the US dollar, it’s important to remember that most member countries are still trying to ensure basic survival for large segments of their populations. While such initiatives may be symbolically powerful, they are unlikely to succeed unless grounded in the lived realities of the Global South.

Ultimately, the growing convergence between the GCC and BRICS is not merely a matter of strategic interest — it is a civilizational necessity. The world’s largest populations and youngest citizens now reside between Asia and Africa. This is where the future will be negotiated. And while the current world order still reflects the architecture of the Cold War, it is in these regions — the Indo-Mediterranean, the Gulf, and the broader Global South — where a new, plural, more inclusive order is being imagined.

It is here that the existential questions of identity, belief, governance, and coexistence will be addressed. The GCC’s evolving role, alongside India’s civilisational diplomacy and BRICS’ expanding platform, may well shape the contours of a new global equilibrium — one that better reflects the voices of the majority of humanity.

Vas Shenoy is an Italian entrepreneur and author of Indian origin. He is the founder of The Indo-Mediterranean Initiative (cnky.in). He serves as the Chief Representative for Italy, Indian Chamber of Commerce (ICC).

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of www.economictimes.com.)

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